![]() ![]() This report contributes to such an assessment. ![]() ![]() ![]() However, although the United States has had extensive experience employing proxies before, during, and since the Cold War, changes in the security landscape, including the emergence of the so-called era of great-power competition, suggest that the time is ripe for senior civilian and military leaders to assess US capabilities for conducting proxy war, for evaluating costs, risks, and benefits, and for developing policies and programs that will promote US national interests abroad. In the years following the attacks of September 11, 2001, Congress granted the Department of Defense, and US Special Operations Command, significant authorities to organize, train, equip, and advise proxy forces. Proxies (or surrogates) have been a feature of international politics throughout recorded history, and indirect conflict through surrogates is-and is likely to remain-an enduring feature of the international security environment. For the proxy, such a transactional arrangement offers a wealth of potential opportunities, including the chance to acquire weapons, materiel, intelligence, and other assets. It is a risk-mitigation strategy in which a sponsor seeks to offload military and financial costs onto a proxy-a “principal-agent” arrangement, in the language of social science. Proxy warfare, according to one definition, occurs “when a major power instigates or plays a major role in supporting and directing a party to a conflict but does only a small portion of the actual fighting itself.” ∗ The logic of employing surrogates is as simple as it is compelling. William Rosenau Zack Gold Download full report ![]()
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